Following Dole

Today, the U.S. House of Representatives goes where no House has gone in 130 years — debating and voting on the impeachment of a president. How odd and distressing that a voyage into such scarcely charted waters will end at a destination so obvious.

With a vote remarkably along party lines, the House almost certainly will impeach President Clinton on the four articles passed by the Judiciary Committee utterly along party lines. Then the Senate almost certainly will acquit, it being highly unlikely that 12 Democrats will cross party lines for the two-thirds majority needed to remove Mr. Clinton from office. Funny how voting one’s conscience can be so partisan.

In between, unless Mr. Clinton pulls a shocker and resigns (or even more shocking, tells the truth), there will be months of wrangling, posturing and venting. Just sorting out the the issue raised before the Judiciary Committee that an impeachment vote by the House of the outgoing 105th Congress does not apply to the Senate of the incoming 106th could gobble up all of winter and perhaps a few weeks of spring. In all, it’s a long way to go to confirm what is already known: Left to their own devices, Republicans and Democrats will place squabbling over statesmanship.

Which is why a proposal made by Bob Dole the other day deserves consideration. The former senate majority leader and 1996 GOP presidential candidate suggests that Congress immediately adopt a bipartisan resolution of censure against the president, that it be as strongly worded as possible, that Mr. Clinton be forced to sign it in a nationally televised ceremony and that this all be done before the new Congress convenes in January.

In one sense, it amounts to a public flogging, which, given the scarlet-letter nature of the offense underlying the president’s lying, seems highly appropriate. It effectively neuters Mr. Clinton — also appropriate — politically, making him the lamest of ducks, reducing him to the stature of a miscreant performing community service for the remainder of his term. It gives Republicans two years of taking potshots at the flawed leader of their opposition. It allows Democrats to claim the will of the electorate was not thwarted by their opposition. It does nothing to protect Mr. Clinton from being prosecuted for perjury after he leaves office. There’s something for everybody.

There’s even something for the American people: This ends, now. By taking Mr. Dole’s short-cut to the foregone conclusion, Congress has no excuse not to get on with the business of governing. There’s a chance, however slim, that the trend toward turning politics into a witch hunt can be reversed. Already, nominees for judgeships, ambassadorships and cabinet posts must be above reproach, personally and professionaly. There are hardly enough saints to go around as it is. Does Congress truly want to declare open season on itself?

Mr. Dole is no apologist for the president. He makes it clear he detests Mr. Clinton’s deceit. He even suggests that his opponent’s deceitful nature may have affected the outcome of the 1996 election.

But Mr. Dole is not interested in turning back the calendar; he wants to move forward. He learned politics at a time, not so long ago, when compromise was an art and not a sign of weakness, when wise leaders did not lead the nation into clearly marked dead-ends.

Mr. Dole was such a leader. Congress would be wise to follow him now.