As Congress performs its lobbying-corruption cleansing over the next couple of weeks it should first forget about trying to expunge the sins of lobbyist Jack Abramoff. His kickbacks, deceits and tax evasions already are illegal, and are useful only to signal to the public that something else is going on in this largely secret portion of lawmaking.

Instead of worrying about Mr. Abramoff, Congress should focus first on disclosure of lobbying expenditures of members of Congress and, more broadly, on weaknesses in its own shields against undue influence. Several reforms from both parties have been suggested. Sen. John McCain had his ready early and it remains an encouraging start to the process because it emphasizes transparency -lobbyists would report all activities, including grass-roots lobbying, their involvement with travel for members of Congress and staff and all gifts worth at least

$20 and all of it would be online, making the information available to all.

Sen. Olympia Snowe became a co-sponsor of the bill Wednesday. In the House, Tom Allen similarly joined with fellow Democrats in renewing a call for reforms they offered last month that ban lobbyist-paid travel, give members of Congress at least 24 hours to review a bill before voting and enforces time limits on keeping votes open, among other restrictions.

Sen. Susan Collins, who also favors disclosure, will begin hearings this week through the Governmental Affairs Committee on the extent and nature of possible reforms, with a quick turnaround expected on legislation that would include sunshine provisions like those in the McCain bill. Sen. Collins, chairman of the committee, also said she is interested in restricting such practices as giving former members of Congress who are now lobbyists special access to current members on the floor of the Senate or in the Senate gym or other places not available to the average person, as the House version would do on its side of the Capitol.

The committee will also examine the possibility of how earmarks – provisions attached to a spending bill that have not gone through the regular hearing process and often contain favors to special interests – might be limited. And it will consider toughening rules that exclude the addition of provisions to bills when they are in conference between House and Senate. After a bill comes out of conference, it is too late to strip these provisions, if members of Congress know about them at all.

These reforms and others show the contemplated reform is as much about Congress itself as it is about lobbying. That’s as it should be. Sen. Collins pointed out the other day that no major legislation can pass without the support of the public, which will not back Congress if it does not trust it, and trust, according to recent polls, is low right now.

Most of the activity Mr. Abramoff used to enrich himself has long been placed out of bounds and, besides stiffening penalties and perhaps restricting the conditions under which congressional travel is paid for, isn’t an important part of future reforms. But if his behavior prods Congress into acting, he will have served the public good in ways he never expected.