The United Nations Millennium Summit in New York City this week brings together 150 heads of state, the largest such assembly ever. The agenda, essentially a list of such persistent problems as war, poverty, disease and pollution, is beyond daunting. The three-day gathering is, as U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan asserts, “a defining moment for the world’s leaders and for the United Nations.”

Mr. Annan began organizing the summit three years ago, admittedly to harness the symbolic power of the millennium. Today, with regional wars, many based upon racial and religious differences, rampaging across three continents, with HIV-AIDS hurtling out of control and with globalization ripping societies apart rather than drawing them together, it is clear that whatever symbolic power a new millennium possess must be put to full use.

It is expected that the summit will end today with the signing of a joint declaration calling for an end to war and the promotion of democracy, human rights and economic development. It would be easy to dismiss such a declaration as mere words on paper. It is important – crucial, in fact – that it not be so dismissed.

It cannot be denied, as cynics and just plain realists have pointed out, that talk of ending war and cruelty, of building a world of peace and prosperity, dates back to biblical times, with precious little progress. But there has been progress – painfully slow and not at all steady – and there have been some recent successes in international peacekeeping. Mr. Annan is absolutely correct that “without the dream, you cannot get anything done.”

But the heads of state can do more than dream. There is an emerging consensus on the framework for global progress, for social fairness and economic opportunity. It is best summed up in the Berlin Communique, a document signed in June by 14 heads of government from Europe, the Americas, South Africa and New Zealand. Call it center-left, Third Way, modern-progressive, it is the dominant force in world politics today, the newest manifestation of that old ideal of national sovereignty balanced by global responsibility.

The Berlin Communique recognizes, above all, that economic globalization is a trend, dating back to the first camel caravan, that is inevitable but that must not be seen an uncontrollable. The guiding principle is to widen the winners’ circle, not to constantly seek out countries with cheaper labor and more lax environmental laws. It recognizes the need to strengthen civil society based on responsibilities and rights as a check against overweening government, untrammeled market power, racism and xenophobia. It is committed to a new international social compact, the realization that in an increasingly interdependent world, wider prosperity and stronger societies will result from international action, not rabid nationalism and narrow self-interest.

Any immediate actions taken at the summit may well be overshadowed by the hundreds of demonstrations planned during the three days. When leaders return home, the persistent problems of war, poverty, disease and environmental degradation will remain. Some may do as Mr. Annan asks and develop specific plans of action for their countries and regional plans with their neighbors. Progress will be slow, but for those countries, the power of the millennium will be more than symbolic.